Why bosnia needs nato again

This is one reason why Dodik wants to rid the Constitutional Court of international judges. The Quint should also embrace meaningful action against illicit finance and put more pressure on Austria to facilitate measures against assets and money moving out of Bosnia by corrupt politicians.

Some countries are ready to start taking this forward, including Britain with its new anti-corruption sanctions regime. This is not a quick process, but invigorating joint anti-kleptocracy initiatives would be a good start. Finally, strong signals should be sent. Such statements undermine U. In this scenario, renewed armed conflict is a real possibility.

Yet equally dangerous is the possibility that Dodik will be accommodated in his demands by the EU and the United States if they continue taking the path of least resistance. If the EU and the United States want to avoid the destruction of Bosnia and the possibility of renewed conflict, they need to stand up to Dodik. Commenting on this and other recent articles is just one benefit of a Foreign Policy subscription.

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Usernames may be updated at any time and must not contain inappropriate or offensive language. Shusha was the key to the recent war between Azerbaijan and Armenia. Now Baku wants to turn the fabled fortress town into a resort. Argument An expert's point of view on a current event. November 3, , PM. Argument Janine di Giovanni. He won EU support by promising cooperation on the main European priority, resolving the Kosovo - Serbia dispute.

These were big steps, hard for a former nationalist to take. As a result, Kosovo could sign a Stabilisation and Association Agreement with the EU and get its own international telephone code. The Kosovo-Serbia dialogue was built on the assumption that the hard questions of recognition and status were unresolvable, so a long period of incremental rapprochement was the way forward. That was probably right, but the approach is now exhausted.

Within Kosovo, debate on the role of the Serb minority has been hijacked for partisan mobilisation, and as long as Pristina treats its Serbs as a punching-bag, true normalisation with Belgrade will remain impossible. The time for a frank dialogue about status may not quite have arrived but it is not far off. The necessary outcome is already clear enough: an independent Kosovo, recognised by Serbia, with an integrated but autonomous and self-governing Serb minority.

Until very recently, Montenegro was the sole bright spot in the Western Balkans. Its economy shows robust growth, and its politics are relatively placid. Or they were, until a recent election was marred by a bizarre plot implicating Serbian and Montenegrin gangsters and Russian spies in what some claim was an attempt to topple the government and assassinate the prime minister. There is evidence of planning for violent action by a motley group of Serbs and Montenegrins, drawn from veterans of the wars of the s and the criminal underground.

Russia has few illusions about Slavic brotherhood. Few in the Western Balkans bother to learn Russian. Balkan leaders do play Russia off against the West, especially when they feel exposed to uncomfortable EU pressure — or when they hope for cash handouts from Moscow.

But Europe is a far larger financial presence. The Balkans are increasingly discussed as a region hit by the chill of a new Cold War. But the most important thing Europe can do to keep peace and foster reform in the region is to focus on local sensitivities, which are much stronger drivers of risks in the region than geopolitics, and to remain healthy itself. They will follow the European lead, whether that is recession and xenophobia or booming open societies.

Beyond this, Europe should affirm its basic standards of democracy. Leaders in Serbia, Macedonia, Kosovo and some EU member states systematically violate these norms with impunity.

Whatever expediency justified this has passed; hollowing out the rule of law is now the main threat. Finally, Europe should signal that the time for avoiding hard questions in Bosnia and Kosovo is ending. This site uses cookies. By continuing to browse the site you are agreeing to our use of cookies. Review our privacy policy for more details. Andes Central America. Overkill: Reforming the Legal Basis for the U.

War on Terror. The reasons are several: Such force reductions are self-reinforcing. This trend jeopardises SFOR's ability to support civilian implementation, so risking the whole peacekeeping effort since Compared to some of their European partners, the U.

Without their lead in supporting Dayton's full implementation, the international community may lack the will to see the job through. This role has been sustained in the case of the U. Any significant cuts in SFOR levels now would strengthen Bosnia's hard-liners and encourage extremists throughout the Balkans.

Their long-time belief that they can wait out the international community would seem justified. Perceptions that U. It is far from obvious that replacing front-line infantry battalions by smaller numbers of military police or special forces Military Specialised Units, or MSUs would or could make up for the loss.

Regional sources of instability require a credible NATO presence. Up Next. Protesters enter Macedonia's parliament after the governing Social Democrats and ethnic Albanian parties voted to elect an Albanian as parliament speaker, in Skopje, Macedonia, on 27 April The ability of the European Union to fix problems in the Balkans is hamstrung when the same troubles persist within its own borders, sometimes in more acute form.

Facebook Email. The eighteen million people of the Balkans will follow the European lead, whether that is recession and xenophobia or booming open societies. Yes, I Agree. Until now, the latter enclave has held tightly to its control over the bases on its territory — part of a broader dispute with the federal state. If the country slides through another bitter election without good news, its already fledgling commitment to both NATO and to its own reforms may well fracture and collapse.

If deadlock continues after the elections, it could become impossible for a new government, which inevitably must include a fair mix of Bosniaks, Serbs, and Croats, to form, leaving the state government-less or worse.

Wesley K. Clark is a retired four-star general in the U. Twitter: GeneralClark. Shusha was the key to the recent war between Azerbaijan and Armenia. Now Baku wants to turn the fabled fortress town into a resort. Argument An expert's point of view on a current event. By Louise Arbour and Wesley K. April 29, , PM. November 11, , PM. Blame Brussels. Trending 1. Fiona Hill: U.